Essay On Realpolitik

Essay On Realpolitik-23
Liberalism, on the other hand, fits neatly with those values. In these cases, American elites become spin doctors who weave together a liberal, value-based narrative to explain the country’s foreign policy to the public.Not surprisingly, foreign policy discourse in the United States often sounds as if it has been lifted right out of a Liberalism 101 lecture.” In contrast to Kissinger, however, Mearsheimer argues that liberal discourse notwithstanding, U. foreign policy is actually guided by realist logic. The reason for this, according to Mearsheimer, is two-fold. The American people, in turn, readily accept this narrative “because liberalism is so deeply rooted in their culture.” There’s likely a great deal of truth to these claims.

Liberalism, on the other hand, fits neatly with those values. In these cases, American elites become spin doctors who weave together a liberal, value-based narrative to explain the country’s foreign policy to the public.Not surprisingly, foreign policy discourse in the United States often sounds as if it has been lifted right out of a Liberalism 101 lecture.” In contrast to Kissinger, however, Mearsheimer argues that liberal discourse notwithstanding, U. foreign policy is actually guided by realist logic. The reason for this, according to Mearsheimer, is two-fold. The American people, in turn, readily accept this narrative “because liberalism is so deeply rooted in their culture.” There’s likely a great deal of truth to these claims.

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The larger point is that American leaders are not the only ones who realize its difficult to rally the public behind a war that’s portrayed as the exploitation of innocent foreigners in pursuit of a balance of power.

While American and Western leaders may be unique in invoking liberalism to sell their foreign policies, they are hardly alone in using moralist arguments over realist ones.

The second part of the argument I’d take issue with is the claim that the American people writ large could never support any foreign policy not based on promoting liberalism abroad. In fact, contrary to Mearsheimer’s claims, it has often seemed in recent decades that American elites are more wedded to a liberal foreign policy than the people they represent.

This has certainly been the case in the recent push for military strikes in Syria.

Thus, they supported the invasion of Iraq in 2003 because the George W. When these security threats failed to materialize, and Bush began to emphasize the freedom agenda in promoting the war instead, American support for the war plummeted. S., despite strong opposition throughout the rest of the world to drone strikes, as well as countless reports of civilians (including in some cases children) being killed in these strikes. And only 30 percent of Americans felt in 1995 that the U. had a responsibility to “do something” when Serbs and Bosnians were fighting each other, compared to 64 percent who said it didn’t.

Bush administration had largely relied on security threats to the U. More recently, Americans overwhelming support the use of drones to eliminate terrorists that U. None of this should come as a surprise to anyone who followed U. True, a plurality of 47 percent of Americans said the U. did have a responsibility to do something about Kosovo, but only 27 percent said the same thing about Libya.

It is often stated that, in contrast to people from other countries, Americans’ political values preclude them from accepting a foreign policy based on realism.

Realists themselves are especially strong proponents of this argument.

As polls have demonstrated, Americans don’t dispute that Assad is an evil tyrant who massacres his own people sometimes with chemical weapons.

While they are horrified by such actions, they fundamentally disagree with the notion that America, as the global champion of liberty, has an obligation to get involved.

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